Skip to main content

Systemic racism in Canada: Relationship of Indigenous people to justice system

Reproduced below is an article published in "The Globe and Mail" by Jody Wilson-Raybould, independent member of Parliament for the British Columbia riding of Vancouver Granvill, and. author of” From Where I Stand: Rebuilding Indigenous Nations for a Stronger Canada”: 
*** 
There are few periods in my life where I have felt such intense emotions as in recent weeks. The murder of George Floyd, along with the killing of six Indigenous people by Canadian police since April, has left me outraged and incredibly sad. At the same time, I am not despondent. I have been heartened by the activists and protesters who have taken to streets around the world in a push for systemic change.
I have lately wondered: Are we at a tipping point in the fight against systemic racism and injustice? Is long-overdue transformative change, including in Canada’s justice system, finally upon us?
I believe we are in such a moment, and I am hopeful for our future – I have to be. Actions and protests in support of racial justice are certainly not new. But I, like many others, have been encouraged and emboldened to see young and older Canadians, from all backgrounds and corners of the country, calling for true and fundamental change. Over many generations, some important progress has been made. We now need to build on those successes and accelerate our efforts toward an ever more equal, just, loving and inclusive Canada.
Indeed, it was not very long ago that such struggles for justice felt far lonelier. As Indigenous leaders, we would sometimes wonder why public awareness was so hard to raise, and where true allies may be found. No longer. And in the broader fight for racial justice for all peoples in Canada, the numbers who have joined our struggle feel larger than ever. We increasingly stand together, and take action together, because we understand that while we have come far, our present reality continues to reflect and rest on certain forms of racism, discrimination, inequality and injustice.
Despite my optimism and hope, there is one critical factor that makes me uncertain about whether we are truly at a tipping point and whether the promise of this moment will be met.
Do our current leaders and governments have the will, understanding and courage to make foundational, transformative change to address systemic racism, including through new laws, policies and practices?
Based on experiences I have had during my time in government and as Minister of Justice and Attorney-General from 2015 until early 2019, on these fundamental issues of equality and inclusion, my answer would be “no.” I hope the current government is finally ready to do what they previously would not.
Time and again my experience was symbolic inaction and ineffective baby steps were privileged over transformative efforts to address Canada’s colonial legacy, systemic racism and the challenges with our criminal justice system. Too often, political expediency triumphed over bold and necessary action.
And sharing firsthand experience around the many tables at which I sat – as often the only Indigenous woman present – was commonly met with kindly, and sometimes even hostile, paternalistic dismissal. My lived experience as an Indigenous woman was, apparently, the wrong experience for knowing the reality of systemic racism and, more importantly, for how it needed to be addressed. I was discounted. Even as Minister of Justice and Attorney-General, for far too many in government, it often seemed that on these issues in their eyes and understanding, I was an Indigenous woman first.
When I chose to enter federal politics in 2015, among the many issues I wanted to address, two were always closest to my mind and heart: bold criminal justice reform, including repealing the vast majority of mandatory minimum penalties (MMPs) and bolstering restorative justice measures; and establishing a framework in new legislation and policies to recognize and implement Indigenous rights, including phasing out the Indian Act. I believed these were also among the core priorities of the government and many of my colleagues. These priorities were in the 2015 Liberal Party platform and in mandate letters to ministers, including reference to “the most important relationship to this government” being with Indigenous peoples. Indeed, I know many within government see these as fundamentally urgent changes that need to be made.
Of course, these priorities of justice reform and reconciliation are intertwined. The relationship of Indigenous people to our justice system, including policing, is one of the starkest examples of systemic racism, and how the legacy of colonialism remains with us. Indigenous people are far more likely to be arrested, charged and jailed, and far more likely to suffer forms of violence, including murder. Similarly, Black and racialized Canadians of all backgrounds face disproportionate harm through their contact with the justice system. What is needed is comprehensively addressing the harmful reality of overrepresentation in the criminal justice system, while also changing laws in ways that recognize and empower Indigenous governments and Nations and help create the space for them to rebuild their social systems, economies and governing institutions.
For this reason, from my first day as Minister of Justice and Attorney-General of Canada, I aggressively advocated, along with my colleagues, for a range of bold measures, including repealing MMPs, large investments in expanding forms of restorative justice, and addressing a broad range of socioeconomic gaps that deprive Indigenous peoples of a level playing field. On MMPs specifically, the evidence is clear: they perpetuate injustice, impose disproportionate burdens on vulnerable populations, overwhelm our prison system so it cannot fully do its work, and in important ways have been shown to be inconsistent with our Charter of Rights and Freedoms. They also fuel the gap and mistrust between the justice system, law enforcement, and racialized populations in ways that we see playing out in the current moment.
From day one, I, and others, also pushed the government to develop and adopt a Recognition and Implementation of Indigenous Rights Framework, through passing new legislation that would embrace the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into Canadian law while at the same time recognize rights, support Indigenous self-government, create pathways out of the Indian Act, and help Indigenous peoples rebuild their Nations and governments.
In those early years in government, I believed that we would take bold steps forward on these issues. We did not. Instead, patience was preached. The excuses were always the same. There are other priorities that had to be dealt with first. The political moment was not right. Urgency to see these major reforms was seen as naïve. Or, when it was deemed too late, we were “out of runway.”
But who should be patient in the face of injustice? Why is it those suffering injustice are always asked to keep waiting?
I believed awareness of events surrounding the tragic deaths of Colten Boushie and Tina Fontaine in early 2018 would be a tipping point. Canadians marched in the streets for criminal justice reform. How often had that happened in Canadian history? At around the same time, on Feb. 14, 2018, the Prime Minister promised to develop a Recognition and Implementation of Indigenous Rights Framework in a historic address in Parliament. Was change finally here? Or would an amnesia about the reality of racism set in again, and, as in the past, real recommendations for change – that have been made in many reports time and again – simply gather dust on a shelf?
That was also an intensely personal time for me. I had known too many young people like Colten and Tina – or like Rodney Levi and Chantel Moore, two of the six Indigenous men and women killed in recent months. I grew up surrounded by them. They were my neighbours, schoolmates and cousins. Absent good fortune and some forms of “privilege,” I, and my sister, Kory, could have easily been them. I have many loved ones who were not so fortunate.
In response, even though I was told by some that the “centre” did not want to hear it, I, along with others, again implored and pushed for bold criminal justice reform, including repealing MMPs, and true reconciliation in every venue I could. I held hope that my colleagues could see that there are children across Canada growing up with a far greater likelihood they will be a Colten and Tina, rather than a Jody or Kory, and that real change would now come. I, and others, tried to ward off another passage into racial amnesia or indifference.
Yet again, nothing. Symbolic inaction, and at best incremental shifts, would carry the day. This was heartbreaking. Political expediency had triumphed over the work of creating a more just society.
So two years later, here we are again – but in many ways on an even larger and more intense scale. No doubt, the tipping point for the Canadian people has been met. Urgent change is needed – and Canadians know it.
But for governments and leaders the verdict remains out. The Prime Minister choosing to “take a knee” and “listen” on June 5 is a sign of cynical practices we should condemn and reject. It is, once again, merely symbolic inaction. So, too, is silence rather than condemning the racist behaviours of the President of the United States. We must always remember that, as Martin Luther King Jr. said, “Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”
Let me be clear: Kneeling and strategic silence are useful actions citizens can take to assert their view that change is needed. They are not sufficient responses for leaders who hold in their hands the tools for effecting needed legislative and policy changes.
Real, transformative action is what is required. This can begin with changing the law to get rid of the vast majority of MMPs and reinstating necessary judicial discretion in sentencing. We can do this – and much more – now. It also includes fulfilling the promises of the Prime Minister of Feb. 14, 2018, to recognize and implement Indigenous rights through legislation so that Indigenous peoples can build stronger communities and governments, offer better care for their citizens and address social dysfunction.
Two years ago, I asked inside government, invoking the words of president John F. Kennedy, “If not now, when?” and “If not us, who?” The answer was not now, and not us.
Well, Canadians have spoken. It is up to the Prime Minister and his government to answer the second question and show whether they are up to the task of real change or will they just take a knee.
Make your voices even louder. Say that you expect our government to reflect the will, vision, and courage that thousands have shown across this country. We can do this. We can make the changes that generations of Canadians have fought and sacrificed to see happen. By taking action, we can honour George, Colton, Tina, Chantel, Rodney and all the other lives lost. We can continue to make Canada even better, more equal and more just.
If the government does what is right and what is needed – on increased justice reform, including MMPs and restorative justice, and true recognition and implementation of Indigenous rights – I will be the first one to applaud and offer my support.
---
This article was distributed by Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre - PMARC

Comments

TRENDING

Right-arm fast bowler who helped West Indies shape arguably greatest Test team in cricket history

By Harsh Thakor*  Malcolm Marshall redefined what it meant to be a right-arm fast bowler, challenging the traditional laws of biomechanics with his unique skill. As we remember his 25th death anniversary on November 4th, we reflect on the legacy he left behind after his untimely death from colon cancer. For a significant part of his career, Marshall was considered one of the fastest and most formidable bowlers in the world, helping to shape the West Indies into arguably the greatest Test team in cricket history.

Andhra team joins Gandhians to protest against 'bulldozer action' in Varanasi

By Rosamma Thomas*  November 1 marked the 52nd day of the 100-day relay fast at the satyagraha site of Rajghat in Varanasi, seeking the restoration of the 12 acres of land to the Sarva Seva Sangh, the Gandhian organization that was evicted from the banks of the river. Twelve buildings were demolished as the site was abruptly taken over by the government after “bulldozer” action in August 2023, even as the matter was pending in court.  

Outreach programme in medical education: Band-aids for compound fractures

By Amitav Banerjee, MD*  Recently, the National Medical Commission (NMC) of India, introduced two curricular changes in medical education, both at the undergraduate and the postgraduate levels, ostensibly to offer opportunities for quality medical education and to improve health care accessibility among the underserved rural and urban population.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Will Left victory in Sri Lanka deliver economic sovereignty plan, go beyond 'tired' IMF agenda?

By Atul Chandra, Vijay Prashad*  On September 22, 2024, the Sri Lankan election authority announced that Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) alliance won the presidential election. Dissanayake, who has been the leader of the left-wing JVP since 2014, defeated 37 other candidates, including the incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP) and his closest challenger Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. 

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.

Are Kashmir's porous borders turning region into 'convenient entry point' for drugs flowing into India?

By Raqif Makhdoomi*  Drug addiction has become a serious problem, affecting not only Kashmir but communities worldwide. In the shadowy world of drug trafficking, vast networks and powerful organizations play pivotal roles. These criminal enterprises, often bolstered by influential backers, operate with impunity, profiting from human suffering. For those able to evade law enforcement, drug trafficking can lead to staggering wealth; even at a local level, small-time peddlers can earn substantial sums. Despite international efforts to curb this menace, the drug syndicate is highly complex, eluding even the most determined governmental crackdowns due to its global reach and the powerful networks that support it.

How Hindu festivals are being 'misused' to incite violence and hatred

By Ram Puniyani*  Communal violence has long plagued Indian society, intensifying over the past decades. In pre-colonial times, such conflicts were rare and mostly ethnic, but under British rule, communal violence took root as a more frequent occurrence. The British promoted a divisive view of history, interpreting events through the religious identities of rulers, which fueled the rise of communal ideologies in both Hindu and Muslim communities. These narratives fostered a "social common sense" that exploited religion to incite conflict. Over the last 30 years, scholars, journalists, and researchers have worked to understand how communal groups have found new ways to instigate violence, particularly targeting the majority Hindu community.