Skip to main content

Do 'upper caste' Marxists still dislike Dr Ambedkar, consider him reformist, separatist?

By Rajiv Shah 
I was a little amused on reading Bhaskar Sur, a virulent Facebook commentator on Left, noting that “Bengali Marxists” have always hated Dr BR Ambedkar. A rather longish post, running into more than 1,000 words, While Sur observes that, to the “upper caste Marxists”, the “towering Dalit intellectual and lifelong fighter for social justice” was “a stooge of the British trying to divide the proletariat and the nationalist movement at the behest of his masters”. 
This view, he says, was also taken by “Subhas Bose in the Congress and Shyamaprasad Mukherjee in the extreme rightist Hindu Mahasabha”, adding, “The Left were also vehemently against reservation in jobs for Dalits and tribals achieved through hard struggle by Ambedkar and the other leaders of the depressed classes.” In fact, “Marxists saw them not as entitlements but sops and a part of the imperialist conspiracy to drive a wedge through the working class movement.”
Calling Brahminical Left “an extremely regressive force”, Sur goes to to say, “In the name of land reform they introduced a new feudalism...” And when they tried belatedly to industrialize, they were met with “strong opposition from the small land holders but, more than than that, a feudal mindset that is opposed to market, industry or any change.”
In fact, they would quote “from Marx, Lenin, Gramsci, Mao, Foucault, Derrida but never from Ambedkar who was all for industrialization, freedom and social democracy”; they “never cared to read Ambedkar or know what he fought for”, says Sur, adding, “Our communists would like sudras to remain small farmers or artisans very much in keeping with their feudal-Brahminical outlook”, which was their “love of villagism and subsistence agriculture.”
Interestingly, Anand Teltumbde, well-known Dalit rights scholar, currently an accused in the infamous Bhima-Koregaon case and an undertrial prisoner, suggests that this view did exist among “earlier communists” who would unremittingly criticised Ambedkar.
Known to be taking a Marxist view of things, Teltumbde says, Ambedkar’s “annoyance” with communists stemmed from CPI’s criticism of Ambedkar by “ideologically refusing the necessity of battling caste, ignoring the conceptual basis of linking other forms of (non-economic) exploitation and continuing with unmindful practices vis-à-vis caste.”
Teltumbde underlines, “Right from his coming to prominence as the leader of the independent Dalit movement, the CPI was angry with him. Instead of befriending Ambedkar, they began attacking him as the divider of the working class, misleader of Dalit masses, opponent of the nationalist movement and a stooge of imperialists.”
In fact, CPI derided him as “the reformist and separatist leader” who kept “the untouchable masses away from the general democratic movement and to foster the illusion that the lot of untouchables could be improved by reliance on imperialism”, the top scholar adds.
I recall in late 1970s when I was in the CPI outfit, People’s Publishing House (PPH), editing manuscripts of Communist scholars. One of the already published books I glanced through then was by WN Kuber’s “Dr. Ambedkar: A Critical Study”, published by PPH.
While I have lost the book, I recall, Kuber was indeed critical of Ambedkar, something that Teltumbde also noted in 2018: “Kuber calls Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism a ‘self-deception’, having channelled the whole movement of workers and peasants led by him into ‘reactionary and metaphysical conceptions’.”
A Marxist scholar, who must have been attached with CPI, Kuber, if I correctly recall, actually thought that Ambedkar did not stand for equal rights for men and women. While googling I couldn’t find the exact quote, a reference to Kuber states, “Kuber observes that Ambedkar was against giving the same education to both boys and girls. Imparting education to girls on par with boys appeared to him waste of time, money and energy.”

Comments

Unknown said…
Unpardonable Crime against #WeThePeopleOfIndia with No #TimeLimit to Redress the Public Grievances of Commoners by #ModiGovt.

https://thewire.in/politics/grievance-redress-law
Prasad Chacko said…
The Communist Parties (not Marxism and its later day extensions) have always been averse to applying the empirical dimensions of local political economy to its ideological articulation in India. In Kerala and Bengal the parties had neatly separated the compulsions of realpolitik from the ideological discourse. In this way the parties could incorporate caste and communal dimensions into their political strategies in order to survive in a bourgeois democratic paradigm. But the ideological discourse continued to ignore the compelling dimensions of caste and gender, dismissing them as 'superstructure' while ineffectively struggling to explain the structural articulation of the ownership of the means of production with Varna. In recent days, there has been an effort to bring in "Jai Bhim - Lal Salaam", again at the electoral strategic level in order to woo Dalit-Bahujans, but without any significant effort to integrate caste (as much as class) as fundamental to communist ideology in India.

TRENDING

Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan raises concerns over Jharkhand Adivasis' plight in Assam, BJP policies

By Our Representative  The Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan (Save Democracy Campaign) has issued a pressing call to protect Adivasi rights in Jharkhand, highlighting serious concerns over the treatment of Jharkhandi Adivasis in Assam. During a press conference in Ranchi on November 9, representatives from Assam, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh criticized the current approach of BJP-led governments in these states, arguing it has exacerbated Adivasi struggles for rights, land, and cultural preservation.

Promoting love or instilling hate and fear: Why is RSS seeking a meeting with Rahul Gandhi?

By Ram Puniyani*  India's anti-colonial struggle was marked by a diverse range of social movements, one of the most significant being Hindu-Muslim unity and the emergence of a unified Indian identity among people of all religions. The nationalist, anti-colonial movement championed this unity, best embodied by Mahatma Gandhi, who ultimately gave his life for this cause. Gandhi once wrote, “The union that we want is not a patched-up thing but a union of hearts... Swaraj (self-rule) for India must be an impossible dream without an indissoluble union between the Hindus and Muslims of India. It must not be a mere truce... It must be a partnership between equals, each respecting the religion of the other.”

A Marxist intellectual who dwelt into complex areas of the Indian socio-political landscape

By Harsh Thakor*  Professor Manoranjan Mohanty has been a dedicated advocate for human rights over five decades. His work as a scholar and activist has supported revolutionary democratic movements, navigating complex areas of the Indian socio-political landscape. His balanced, non-partisan approach to human rights and social justice has made his books essential resources for advocates of democracy.

Right-arm fast bowler who helped West Indies shape arguably greatest Test team in cricket history

By Harsh Thakor*  Malcolm Marshall redefined what it meant to be a right-arm fast bowler, challenging the traditional laws of biomechanics with his unique skill. As we remember his 25th death anniversary on November 4th, we reflect on the legacy he left behind after his untimely death from colon cancer. For a significant part of his career, Marshall was considered one of the fastest and most formidable bowlers in the world, helping to shape the West Indies into arguably the greatest Test team in cricket history.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Will Left victory in Sri Lanka deliver economic sovereignty plan, go beyond 'tired' IMF agenda?

By Atul Chandra, Vijay Prashad*  On September 22, 2024, the Sri Lankan election authority announced that Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) alliance won the presidential election. Dissanayake, who has been the leader of the left-wing JVP since 2014, defeated 37 other candidates, including the incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP) and his closest challenger Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. 

Unlike other revolutionaries, Hindutva icon wrote 5 mercy petitions to British masters

By Shamsul Islam*  The Hindutva icon VD Savarkar of the RSS-BJP rulers of India submitted not one, two,or three but five mercy petitions to the British masters! Savarkarites argue: “There are no evidences to prove that Savarkar collaborated with the British for his release from jail. In fact, his appeal for release was a ruse. He was well aware of the political developments outside and wanted to be part of it. So he kept requesting for his release. But the British authorities did not trust him a bit” (YD Phadke, ‘A complex Hero’, "The Indian Expres"s, August 31, 2004)

Outreach programme in medical education: Band-aids for compound fractures

By Amitav Banerjee, MD*  Recently, the National Medical Commission (NMC) of India, introduced two curricular changes in medical education, both at the undergraduate and the postgraduate levels, ostensibly to offer opportunities for quality medical education and to improve health care accessibility among the underserved rural and urban population.

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.